The campaigns of political parties and party alliances for the presidential and parliamentary elections to be held in mid-May are drawing to a close. Despite the campaigns conducted by the AKP-MHP alliance, challenging the honest and equal election conditions, and violating almost all relevant moral principles, as the election process progresses, the chance of winning the double election of the Table for Six led by CHP and İYİ Party increases. President Erdogan and his party's application of an electoral economy and a series of unrealistic promises that sometimes push the limits of imagination leave their mark on this election process.Parallel to this, from time to time during the election process, there are some events that confirm the concerns based on previous experiences that the power race between the ruling and opposition parties will not run under the conditions of fair competition. As a matter of fact, those who occupy public positions, especially the President himself, continue to use state facilities, especially TRT, in a way that takes advantage of themselves or their parties. Meanwhile, unfortunately, we are witnessing some developments confirming the widespread expectation that the Supreme Election Council (YSK), which is supposed to ensure that the electoral process runs in equality and fairness, will not fulfill its duties accordingly and will probably favor the ruling parties.We see the most recent example of this in the Supreme Election Board's legally controversial decision rejecting the objections from the opposition that it is unconstitutional and unlawful for the ministers to be candidates for parliament without leaving their posts officially. In the meantime, although the YSK rejected the request of the representatives of the government to remove the phrase "Nation Alliance" on the ballots to be used in the elections, the high number of members opposed to the decision shows that a strong tendency in favor of the ruling bloc continues to exist in the Council.On the other hand, the AKP-MHP government does not show any positive signs of getting the economy in a deep stalemate and getting it back on track, even though the elections are less than two weeks away. In fact, surprisingly, from time to time, the government makes statements that deny or belittle the existence of the economic crisis, which makes life extremely difficult for segments of society with limited and fixed incomes. The fact that the Central Bank has ceased to be an administrative authority that can act independently of the government also plays an important role in the economic crisis.Indeed, the AKP-MHP government has abolished the independence of the Central Bank, reducing it to an ordinary tool at the government's disposal. The institution's recent decision on monetary policy, reviewed below, is a recent example confirming this. This incident shows that although it is a requirement of its own job description to act independently, the Central Bank bases itself on the instructions and preferences of the political power, not the requirements of the discipline of economics, as a guide while performing its duty.Despite everything, it is hoped that the elections to be held on May 14 will bring a result that will start the process that will lead our country out of the multifaceted and deep crisis that the AKP-MHP administration has dragged into it. Turkey urgently needs an institutional restoration to stop this regression and lay the groundwork for a comprehensive reformist breakthrough.Stay tuned to meet again after the elections. * Prof. Dr. Mustafa Erdoğan

The Freedom Observer

Spektrum&nbsp;is a weekly politics publication focusing on Turkey, city agendas and international policy.<hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Foreign policy in the AKP programThe AKP states in its program that Turkey's location is a magnet for many collaborations and that the use of this potential ‘depends on the wise use of geopolitics.’ Turkey needs to reorganise its relations with power centres in an ‘alternative, flexible, and multi-axis’ manner while claiming that ‘the quality of military alliances and blocs as the determining factor of international relations has significantly diminished’, even though the opposite is true today, especially after Russia invading Ukraine and the NATO’s role getting bigger.The governing party promises ‘a realistic foreign policy based on mutual interest relations.’ Instead of relying solely on the bureaucracy for foreign policy decision-making and implementation, the party also aims to involve parliament and society. Turkey, ‘an element of regional stability with its democracy, economy, and respect for human rights,’ will take more initiative to resolve crises and increase efforts to maintain good relations with its neighbours, based on dialogue.Good relations with European countries and the European Union will be established, ‘the conditions for EU membership will be met as soon as possible, and the agenda will be prevented from being occupied with artificial problems.’ It is stated that cooperation with the US will continue, with an emphasis on defense, and that there will be more cooperation in the fields of economy, investment, science, and technology, and that ‘friendly relations based on cooperation rather than competition’ will be established with Russia. ‘In addition to the traditional Atlantic and European dimensions of Turkish foreign policy, efforts to develop a Eurasian-oriented policy will continue.’ It is said that closer relations will be established with China and the dynamic economies of Asia.<p contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-wrapper fr-deletable" fr-original-style="text-align:center" style="text-align: center; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><a bgcolor="#effe75" color="#090909" contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-link" fr-original-style="background-color:#effe75 !important;color:#090909 !important" href="https://aposto.com/n/spectrum" rel="noreferrer" style="background-color: rgb(239, 254, 117) !important; color: rgb(9, 9, 9) !important; text-decoration: none; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Subscribe</a>

Aposto Digest

On January 24, 1980, the economic reform program prepared by Turgut Özal, then-Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry, and adopted by the Nationalist Front government headed by Süleyman Demirel, was a public announcement of a structural transformation that went down in history as the ‘January 24 Decisions’.Neoliberalism instead of the import-substitution systemThe import-substitution system, which had offered a development strategy to developing countries, particularly in Latin America, since the 1960s, was implemented in Turkey for about 20 years. However, it collapsed after a major currency crisis. Turgut Özal, who wanted to implement in Turkey the neoliberal economic policies pioneered by Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in the UK in line with the global economic and political system, implemented a radical economic reform package which was prepared in this direction.<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/11/0/1670149773990.jpeg" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" ratio="1.79" width="550" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">AAThe new political order and ideological doctrine created by the military coup of September 12, 1980, together with the restructuring of the economy in line with neoliberal reforms, created a new political-economic order that is still valid in 2022. One of the most prominent features of this new system, which has many goals and consequences, such as the systematic contraction of workers' rights, the suppression of trade union activities, the continuous growth of capital at the expense of labour, and the domination of labour, and the reduction of real wages, has been the redefinition of the duties and responsibilities of the state.Since 1980, the state apparatus, which was supposed to serve as a mediator, arbitrator, and bridge between workers and employers, or between the constitution and citizens, has allied with capital in almost every field against workers, citizens, and disadvantaged segments of society, while all institutions and law regulating the economy, politics, and social life have been designed by this job description.Patching instead of reformingIn this period, when we are about to enter the 100th anniversary of the Republic, the opposition parties that want to overthrow the authoritarian AKP government, which has been in power for 20 years, and rebuild a ‘democratic-secular-egalitarian’ Turkey have failed to produce a vision that would radically change the dominant ideology and political-economic order established in 1980, even though they have produced policies to reorganise the economy, politics and social life and prepared a constitutional amendment package for a radical reform, especially the opposition alliance. This blockage is most prominent in economic policies.<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/11/0/1670149810539.jpeg" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" ratio="1.77" width="550" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">HabertürkThe policies proposed by the opposition parties to get out of the economic crisis, which has been going on since 2018, but has been dragging the middle and lower classes of society towards the hunger line since last year, do not fundamentally change the system. No reform package would reorganise the distribution of both income and wealth, revive the collapsing welfare state, and act as a mediator/arbitrator between labour and capital rather than siding with capital against labour. The economic reform packages and crisis exit prescriptions proposed by the CHP, İYİP, and DEVA Party do not propose a new economic model, but emphasise the idea that the current system is not working due to the wrong policies of the government and that the system can be put back on track with the right policies proposed by them.For example, Ali Babacan, the leader of the DEVA Party, states that during his ministerial term there was a large inflow of foreign resources into Turkey, but as a result of the authoritarianism of the government and the elimination of the rule of law, the inflow of foreign resources stopped and outflows began. While this proposition is partially true, Babacan's proposals for solutions and reforms for the Turkish economy do not go beyond suggesting that once his party comes to power, capital inflows to Turkey will increase again and per capita income will rise.Likewise, CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu thinks that he can solve Turkey's chronic unemployment problem by ‘appointing a university graduate assistant to every muhtar’ or finding the solution to Turkey's low savings rate or current account deficit problems by attracting foreign investors from London to Turkey.These examples demonstrate that the opposition parties that want to overthrow the AKP government, which has ruled Turkey for 20 years, and build a new Turkey are unable to move even one step away from the dominant political-economic order and ideological domination that was put in place in 1980 and which experienced both its peak and collapse with the AKP. Created 42 years ago, we have repeatedly experienced that it is not possible to make a fundamental reform and create a new political, social and political-economic order with the existing institutions that regulate economic life in Turkey, one of the most advanced countries in the world in terms of income inequality, in a vicious and narrow political arena whose borders have been narrowed day by day during the AKP rule.Lessons to take from the Swedish modelPrevious experience shows how difficult it is to make a fundamental reform, build consensus among social actors, and create a new balance between capital and labour. But there are many examples to show that these are not impossible. In this sense, the political and economic transformations that took place in Sweden from the 1920s to the 1990s, even though the country is socially, politically, geographically, and economically very different from Turkey, will give us an idea of how it is possible to build a new system.The egalitarian and inclusive economic model created in Sweden, which has one of the strongest welfare systems in the world, is based on a long-standing state-capital-labour coalition. The state, which plays the role of mediator/arbitrator between capital and labour, is also the guarantor of the Swedish welfare model.The SDP (Social Democratic Party), which wanted to find a solution to the economic crisis of the late 1920s and to create an economic model targeting full employment, organised public hearings, and forums across the country to ensure that the ideas on which this new model was based were accepted by the society as well as politicians and bureaucrats. In this economic model, which emphasised full employment, strong social welfare mechanisms, and capital incentives; the state, which acted as a mediator between workers and employers, also reformed institutions and created new ones by this economic and political order.The point to highlight here is that, to fix the old system that was in a crisis, first of all, an idea to implement a new system should be put forward, and forums, meetings, and open sessions should be organised to ensure that it is accepted by all components of society, and then the existing institutions should be reformed according to the new order. To carry out a fundamental reform, it is necessary, first of all, to generate the ideas on which a new system is to be built, and for this to be accepted and adopted by society.Another important role of the state was to formalise and protect the informal agreement between workers and employers in the new economic model. In the economic order created with the goal of stable economic growth for employers and full employment for the working class, institutions were structured in line with these objectives. After about 20 years of institutional transformation and establishment of order, by the 1950s, the institutions that created the welfare state model in Sweden were in a stable state of functioning. The Swedish model of social democracy was based on the ideas of full employment, equality, and welfare.‘Without these ideas, the construction of such an institutional order would have been impossible.’ says Prof. Mark Blythe, who has done important work in the field of political economy, about the social democracy implemented in Sweden. Today, we see that the CHP claims to create an ‘equal and just economic order’ by emphasising its social democratic identity. However, the implementation of social democracy in Turkey can only be achieved if the existing institutions and the political and economic system undergo a radical change and the idea of social democracy is embraced by social actors. Therefore, it does not seem possible to change the current economic system based on deep inequalities by making small changes to the existing system or adding new ones to the existing institutions.<img src="https://images.aposto.com/2022/11/0/1670149857879.jpeg" style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px; border-style: none; position: relative; cursor: pointer; padding: 0px 1px; box-sizing: border-box;" ratio="1.79" width="550" fr-original-style="display: block; vertical-align: top; margin: 5px auto; text-align: center; width: 100%; max-width: 550px;" fr-original-class="fr-draggable">Sverige RadioIn the 1970s, as the working class demanded greater rights and employers saw their profits decline, the social democratic system that had been established in Sweden in the 1930s began to slowly break down. Although major developments in the global economy, particularly the oil crisis, had an impact on the Swedish economy, it was the breakdown of the consensus between workers and employers that started the transformation of the system. While the employers had reached a consensus among themselves to change the existing system, in 1976, a pro-capitalist centre-right coalition came to power by overthrowing the Social Democratic Party. Under normal circumstances, the centre-right coalition was expected to make a radical transformation of the economy, taking into account the demands of the owners of capital.In a political and economic system in which the institutional structure established in the 1930s was functional, the right-wing parties failed to implement the reforms expected of them and faced a strong reaction from the owners of capital. The prime minister of the time is quoted as saying ‘Because we are still bound by the ideas of the working class.’ when asked, ‘Why do we still produce policies in favour of the working class despite having a pro-capitalist government?’. To overcome this intellectual and institutional entrapment, employers pursue long-term policies, creating a new economic model that will produce results in favor of capital through think tanks and sharing it with the public, while at the same time carrying out promotional activities with large advertising budgets so that the ideas of the new model are accepted by both politicians and society. They fund academia in the same way, constantly funding studies on the effects and benefits of neoliberal policies. As a result, both the establishment and the transformation of social democracy in Sweden are only possible if strong ideas about a new economic order are created and accepted by society, politics, and economic actors.Being able to go beyond the current boundariesIn the 2023 general elections, we see that the opposition alliance, which set out with the goal of rebuilding a democratic Turkey, could not go beyond the political and economic boundaries established in the 1980s, which are still dominant today. In an economic order where social income inequality is increasing day by day, the establishment of a system based on social democracy, as the CHP claims, can only be possible by producing a new idea, reaching a consensus between workers, employers, and the state, and reforming the entire institutional structure according to this new consensus.We can say that the same change is valid for the constitutional amendment package. The constitutional amendment package, which was prepared only by reaching a consensus among the party staff, will not be more than a small patch on the existing system unless it reflects a social demand and a social consensus is reached. If we want to redraw the boundaries of politics and build a new economic model based on equality, prosperity, and production, we need to come up with a strong and new idea to build these elements upon.

Spektrum

The only way out of the crisis is to go beyond small packages of improvements and try to change the role of the state.

Political economy, social democracy and the power of ideas

<h4 fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">Spektrum&nbsp;is a weekly politics publication focusing on Turkey, city agendas and international policy.</h4><hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">AKP's view on fundamental rightsStating that fundamental human rights and freedoms are ‘the achievement of humanity as a result of centuries-long struggles’ the AKP program indexes the indicator of being a civilised society to the level of these freedoms. It argues that freedoms are also the foundation of democracy. The program states that ‘the most significant element of trust in a society is the belief of the individuals living in it that their rights and freedoms are respected’ and that this respect ensures the adoption of the democratic regime by the society and the protection of social peace.In the field of fundamental rights, the party promises that ‘the standards of international conventions to which Turkey is a party, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights, the Paris Charter and the Helsinki Final Act, will be implemented.’ It promises that the views of civil society will be taken into account, that the freedoms of the press, thought, and expression will be built based on international standards, and that secularism will not be interpreted as hostility to religion. While emphasising the sensitivities of religious people, it states that religion cannot be an instrument of pressure on people who have different lifestyles.<p contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-wrapper fr-deletable" fr-original-style="text-align:center" style="text-align: center; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><a bgcolor="#effe75" color="#090909" contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-link" fr-original-style="background-color:#effe75 !important;color:#090909 !important" href="https://apos.to/n/spectrum" rel="noreferrer" style="background-color: rgb(239, 254, 117) !important; color: rgb(9, 9, 9) !important; text-decoration: none; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Subscribe</a>

<h4 fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">Spektrum&nbsp;is a weekly politics publication focusing on Turkey, city agendas and international policy.</h4><hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">‘A natural and right step’MHP leader Bahçeli commented on the AKP’'s HDP visit with these words.MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli, in perhaps the most awaited group meeting speech in a long time, described the visit of the AKP delegation to HDP on the constitutional amendment as ‘a natural and right step.’ In the relevant part of his speech, what Bahçeli said is as follows:&nbsp;‘Why did they meet with the HDP? What will we say, and how will we react to this? These are the hypothetical questions whose answers have been sought for days. I don't even need to repeat how we look at the HDP. It is a devastating and mischievous attitude for those who don't make a sound about the AKP delegation's contact with the CHP to talk about the HDP on our backs. In our eyes, the CHP is the same as the HDP. We do not look at what was discussed, we look at how a reasonable and democratic solution will be found.’<p contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-wrapper fr-deletable" fr-original-style="text-align:center" style="text-align: center; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><a bgcolor="#effe75" color="#090909" contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-link" fr-original-style="background-color:#effe75 !important;color:#090909 !important" href="https://aposto.com/n/spectrum" rel="noreferrer" style="background-color: rgb(239, 254, 117) !important; color: rgb(9, 9, 9) !important; text-decoration: none; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Subscribe</a>

<h4 fr-original-style="" style="margin: 0px; color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.85); font-weight: 500; padding: 0px; box-sizing: border-box;">Spektrum&nbsp;is a weekly politics publication focusing on Turkey, city agendas and international policy.</h4><hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;">Common candidate, common program, right nowJust a few months ago, the AKP government, led by President Erdoğan, could not find concrete solutions to the economic crisis in Turkey and take any action to improve the living conditions of its citizens. It was challenging to convince the public of its growth-oriented economic model based on low-interest rates. Although different polling companies reported different percentages, they all showed a growing group of undecided voters who were breaking away from the government.In this period, the opposition, which had the psychological vantage in politics, was announcing principled positions through six-party meetings. The opposition's collaboration was exalting the society. CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu was striking the agenda with the corruption-related videos he posted on social media in the middle of the night. Although Kılıçdaroğlu's economic promises, which resonated with the public, were implemented by the government, Kılıçdaroğlu was taking the credit.<p contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-wrapper fr-deletable" fr-original-style="text-align:center" style="text-align: center; margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1em; box-sizing: border-box;"><a bgcolor="#effe75" color="#090909" contenteditable="false" fr-original-class="custom-button-link" fr-original-style="background-color:#effe75 !important;color:#090909 !important" href="https://apos.to/n/spectrum" rel="noreferrer" style="background-color: rgb(239, 254, 117) !important; color: rgb(9, 9, 9) !important; text-decoration: none; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;" target="_blank">Subscribe</a>

AKP ile ilgili hikayeler