Understanding and explaining election economics practices in Turkey is quite challenging. This is because elections occur very frequently, and as a result, there are short intervals between them. Consequently, in Turkey, elections take place under all kinds of economic circumstances. In other words, Turkey holds elections during economic crises as well as during seemingly stable periods. Alongside this remarkable (!) experience, Turkey has gained experience in election economics practices. It is not possible to thoroughly explain all these practices in this section of our bulletin, but we will attempt to provide a somewhat superficial overview within a broad framework. However, before delving into these practices, let's take a glance at the dizzying election schedule starting from the governmental system change referendum held in 2017.On April 16, 2017, Turkey transitioned from a parliamentary system to a "presidential government system" through a referendum.[2] Approximately one year later, on June 24, 2018, the Presidential election was held.[3] This election also included parliamentary elections. Less than a year after this election, on March 31, 2019, local elections were held.[4] These elections were particularly contentious in Istanbul. This is because Ekrem İmamoğlu, the candidate of the Republican People's Party (CHP) for Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, surprisingly won the election with only a 16,000-vote margin (at that time, there were around 10.5 million voters in Istanbul).[5] However, due to the narrow margin, Justice and Development Party officials alleged electoral fraud and applied to the Supreme Election Council (YSK) for the annulment of the election and demanded a rerun.[6]At this point, it may be necessary to make a parenthesis about Erdoğan's approach to elections. Erdoğan views elections not as a reflection of the will of the people but rather as a means to secure the legitimacy of his own power. Although this stance does not necessarily change the manner in which elections are conducted, it profoundly influences the political atmosphere leading up to the elections and the nature of the elections themselves. Erdoğan's constant emphasis on respecting elections and regarding them as the sole reflection of societal will was a reinforcing factor in the belief that he would accept election results regardless of the outcome for a long time. However, the cancellation of the highly politicized 2019 Istanbul elections by the heavily politicized Supreme Election Council (YSK) deeply shook this belief. Rumors even surfaced about Erdoğan not accepting election results if he were not elected in the 2023 Presidential Elections and resorting to different means to hold onto power. Of course, these rumors were accompanied by allegations of election irregularities. The image of Erdoğan, who was seen as respecting election results, was shattered mainly. Let's close this parenthesis here and continue to examine the dizzying election schedule.Following the cancellation of the initial elections held on March 31 in Istanbul, Turkey's largest city and a global metropolis, a second election took place on June 23, 2019. CHP candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu once again won the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality with an increased margin of around 700,000 votes.[7] After these elections, Presidential and parliamentary elections were held on May 14, 2023. [8][9]&nbsp;So, since 2017 and onwards, Turkey has gone to the ballot box a total of four times in the marathon of government system changes, conducting six different types of elections within this period. It feels like there has been almost an election every year. Now, preparations are underway for the local elections on March 31, 2024. Thus, the election marathon continues at full speed. In our next bulletin, we will focus on the election economy practices accompanying this marathon, with a focus on the 2024 elections. <hr fr-original-style="" style="height: 0px; overflow: visible; border-bottom: none; clear: both; user-select: none; break-after: page; box-sizing: border-box;"> 1 Dunja Mijatovic, “Memorandum on freedom of expression and of the media, human rights defenders and civil society in Türkiye”, şuradan erişilebilir: https://rm.coe.int/memorandum-on-freedom-of-expression-and-of-the-media-human-rights-defe/1680aebf3d2 https://www.ysk.gov.tr/tr/16-nisan-2017-anayasa-degisikligi-halkoylamasi/50023 https://www.ysk.gov.tr/tr/24-haziran-2018-secimleri/775364 https://www.ysk.gov.tr/tr/24-haziran-2018-secimleri/775365 https://www.ysk.gov.tr/tr/31-mart-2019-mahalli-i%CC%87dareler-secimi/779166 https://acikveri.ysk.gov.tr/secim-sonuc-istatistik/secim-sonuc7https://www.ysk.gov.tr/doc/dosyalar/docs/2019MahalliIdareler/KesinSecimSonuclari/2019Mahalli-IBB.pdf8 https://www.ysk.gov.tr/tr/14-mayis-2023-secimleri/824919 https://www.ysk.gov.tr/tr/14-mayis-2023-secimleri/82491<a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" target="_blank" title="" fr-original-style="" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;"></a><a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" target="_blank" title="" fr-original-style="" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;"></a><a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" target="_blank" title="" fr-original-style="" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;"></a><a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" target="_blank" title="" fr-original-style="" style="color: rgb(9, 9, 9); text-decoration: none; background-color: transparent; outline: none; cursor: pointer; transition: color 0.3s ease 0s; touch-action: manipulation; user-select: auto; box-sizing: border-box;"></a>

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